Here's a point which needs to be made and understood: When commentators, Muslim 'leaders' and politicians talk about 'Muslim alienation', they need to show more appreciation that many of the reasons for 'alienation' are not 'Islamised' beyond all proportion. This is especially true of the spokesmen from the MCB et al.
Many issues that are involved in alienation of Muslims, which means mainly Pakistani/Kashmiri, Bangladeshi and Somali boys, are no different to the causes that alienate people who will be categorised as white and working-class. (Of course white working class people can also become Muslim -- I've known some that have -- but our categories cross over between race and religion political and social reasons.)
White working-class boys and girls also grow up on 'ghettoes', are maginalised, the subject of ridicule and mockery in popular (liberal) culture, are 'unassimilated' and not particularly 'integrated' into so-called 'mainstream British society'. They can also become the target of extremists who threaten the good aspects of Britain. They do not always, if at all, share in the history and vision of Britain imagined by either liberal intellgentsia (cosmpolitan, rootless, urban, multicultural) or right-wing nativists (rural, warm beer, cricket, cycling spinsters, the spires of Oxford). They are, more often than not and when it is politically convenient, disdained by both.
One of the main causes of alienation and marginalisation from the mainstream, for both "Muslim" and white youngsters, is most certainly socioeconomic. (I would argue, for better or for worse, it is also the outcome of a breakdown in social authorities; the Church and other religious authorities, politicians and ideologies and now even scientists, the high-priests of the modern age, have little respect, relevance or trust anymore.) Depending on where they live, both Muslim ethnic groups and whites will suffer from a lack of access to good schooling and healthcare; under-investment in their local area, leading to difficulty in finding work; and poor social mobility. This affects people across all racial, religious and ethnic boundaries. It is not a 'Muslim' problem, per se. More that these problems affect, amongst a whole swathe of people, those who also happen to be Muslims or of Muslim origin (since, unless you ask people, you must assume they are nominally Muslim first and foremost -- unless the data collected sets some level of being 'devout' or 'pious', we have no way of knowing). Conversely, there is a small, but significant, and largely well-integrated, Muslim middle-class which will include people whose parents forged successful business after their arrival to Britain in the 1970s and 1980s; who parents were relatively well-off on their arrival; or who are converts from the white middle-classes. I would surmise from anecdotal evidence and experiences, that they are more likely to set the 'Muslim agenda', whether it be conservative, integrationist, liberal, segregationist or extremist. And, interestingly, in my experiences anyway, the same Muslim middle-classes have little interest in associating themselves with the 'riff-raff' from the lower social groups who are also Muslims, or 'chavlims' if you will (consider, for example, ethnic, tribal and caste distinctions amongst Pakistanis). None of this means there isn't bigotry, racial or religious discrimination (including bile aimed specificially towards Muslims or Muslim peoples), or, as liberal Britain likes to delude itself into thinking, these are battles that have been won.
Yet few, if any, politicians and pundits look at these socioeconomic issues affecting white working-classes. Partly, it is to do with 'political correctness' and bad government policies. Faisal Bodi actually raised a good point in his criticism of multiculturalism about groups receiving funding without a care for what these groups should owe wider society and so foster cooperation. Peter Oborne suggests that some in the Labour Party are now looking at these issues, but they have decided to play politics with them to bolster their traditional vote, rather then address the actual problems. But it is also politically convenient at the moment, as well as good copy for journalists, to concentrate on the 'Muslim problem', since, especially for dishonest politicians, it diverts attention from more pressing concerns: whether it be the claim that more children now live in poverty than before Labour came to power; the sale of everything in Britain without a second thought for the long-term consequences (the NHS, an institution even the Tories didn't dare dismantle, is clearly going down that path under neo-Labour); or the systematic de-education of our next generation (with half still failing to master basic English and mathematics), all of which have an impact on communities across Britain, white, Muslim, black, Pakistani, Bangladeshi etc. All that and more, together with the complicty of this government in a legally dubious invasion which has cost tens of thousands of lives, and over a hundred British soldiers (not forgetting people like Ken Bigley), in a country which never threatened Britain, makes for convenient positioning of the debate on multiculturalism as a 'Muslim problem' (which would be one worth having, were it not driven by odious tabloids and populist politicians).